Research Library · Torre do Tombo, Gavetas 25-3-14
In a box of loose state papers in Lisbon there is a folded sheet that an eighteenth-century archivist labelled “Counsel which the Infante Dom Henrique gave, written in his own hand, to his nephew King Afonso V.” It is one of the very few pages we have that Prince Henry the Navigator wrote himself. We have read it, translated it into English and dated it. We then set the little mark he signed it with beside sixteen others from his charters, written between 1427 and 1460.
What is known and what is new. The document is catalogued in the Torre do Tombo and its text has very probably been printed in Portuguese editions of Henry's papers. We could not check those editions online, so we do not claim the text is unknown.
New here, to our knowledge: a complete English translation; proof that the catalogue date of 1446 is impossible, and an argument for c. 1456–58; and a comparison of the autograph page with sixteen sign-manuals from nine documents across thirty-three years. The comparison shows that one hand made all of them, including the “second signatures” on the 1460 charters discussed in our first article.
1. The paper
The counsel is a single folded sheet of paper. Henry wrote on the first page, the back of it and the top half of the third page, and left the rest blank. Folded, the sheet carried a short docket on the outside, and much later it was put in a blue-grey wrapper. The wrapper says the paper is “escripto de sua propria Letra” (written in his own hand) and “tem junto copia” (a copy is kept with it). The copy has not been digitised.
The hand is not a chancery hand. It is large, quick and uneven, with lines that wander and paragraphs closed by long pen strokes. The writer corrects himself as he goes: a word is struck out on the second page and another is written over. The text speaks in the first person: “to this I answer”, “I say”, “it seems to me”. The heading calls Henry “the Infante” in the third person, but the answers are his own voice. At the end, in the same ink and with the same pen, stands his sign-manual: Y·d·a·, for Yffante dom Anrrique, inside two ruled lines.
2. What Henry told the king
The king had sent him four questions, and Henry answers them in order.
Rest, or great deeds?
Great deeds. On the spiritual side, a king who does nothing is like the servants in the Gospel who bear no fruit. On the worldly side, kings do not live long, and a reign without some deed of great renown is soon forgotten. A reader added in the margin Sallust's line about men “given over to belly and sleep” who passed through life “like travellers”.
Against whom?
Against the infidel. The wars Christians fight among themselves “are seldom in His service”. A war against the Moors is “the most honourable of all wars, and the one in which God most ought to help”.
Where?
Wherever there is fruit to be had. Here Henry names Málaga, in the Moorish kingdom of Granada, and answers in advance the objection that Granada was Castile's to conquer. The people of Málaga would gladly take a Portuguese town if they could, he says, and they would not hold back because the king of Castile called them “of his conquest”.
How to judge an enterprise?
Do not hide behind either excuse: that a deed is too small to be worth it, or too great to be finished. Realms with weak rulers are taken by the covetous, as England, France, Naples and Castile show. Small virtues are not dropped for great ones: a king who gives many doubloons in alms still owes a poor man his piece of bread, and a king with a whole chapel of singers still says a Pater noster when devotion comes to him. Prepare the ground like a farmer, and take the fruit when it is ripe.
“pareçeme que é bem guerra d'armada, e nom cometa feito sem mandado, mas espere todo o souber primeiramente…”“It seems to me that a war by armada is good, and that he should not undertake the deed without due order, but wait first to know everything, and further to be instructed how he shall first prepare his undertaking.”Henry's closing advice, f. 2r
The practical answer, then, is a sea-borne campaign, prepared with care. It is not about Guinea or the Atlantic islands. It is the voice of the crusading prince of Ceuta, telling a young king how to choose a war.
3. When was it written?
The Torre do Tombo catalogue gives the date 1 January 1446. That cannot be right.
Afonso V is fourteen and still under the regency of his uncle Dom Pedro. A paper addressed to “el Rey dom Afonso seu senhor”, putting to him whether he will govern his kingdoms or go to war, makes no sense under a regent. Excluded.
Afonso takes up personal rule. This is the earliest possible date.
After Alfarrobeira, a young king choosing a programme. This window is possible, but no Portuguese armada project is known in these years.
Calixtus III preaches a crusade (1456), and Afonso gathers a fleet while the court debates where to send it. Granada, with Castile's claim to it, and Morocco were the two choices. The fleet sailed in 1458 and took Alcácer Ceguer in October. Henry's “war by armada”, his Málaga argument and his examples of Naples and England fit these years best. Most likely.
Henry dies. This is the latest possible date.
Our proposal is c. 1456–58, with 1449–52 as the alternative. A specialist should test it against Rui de Pina's chronicle of Afonso V and the printed sources. Either way, the catalogue date should be corrected.
4. One mark, thirty-three years
Henry's charters were written by clerks. At the foot, after the clerk's line “Johan de Moraes wrote it”, stands the boxed Y·d·a·. Was that box drawn by the prince, or by the clerk in his name? The counsel lets us test it, because here the text and the mark are certainly by the same writer, in one ink and one sitting.
We cut out every boxed mark we could find on Henry's digitised originals in the Torre do Tombo: nine documents from 1427 to 1460, sixteen marks in all. We set them beside the mark on the counsel.
The marks share five habits that a clerk copying the shape would be unlikely to keep up for thirty years:
The clerks changed over thirty-three years, but the mark did not, and it matches the one page that is certainly Henry's. The simplest explanation is that Henry drew the box himself on every one of these documents. That includes the second marks: the ones under the silver clauses of September 1460 and the one under the correction of 1427. Henry was not delegating his signature. In the last weeks of his life, he was still going back to his charters, reading the added clauses and signing them again in his own hand.
A note on our first article. In Paid in Silver we described the second signatures as Henry's “way of vouching for a change” but left open who drew them. The comparison here answers that question: by every test we can apply on screen, they are in the same hand as the first signatures and as the autograph counsel.
5. What we cannot say
- Screen images are not the parchment. Ink colour, pen width and the order of strokes should be checked on the originals, ideally under raking light.
- About a fifth of the counsel is hard to read, mainly the end of the second page and the middle of the third. These places are marked [?] in the translation, and none of our conclusions rests on them.
- The wrapper's note “in his own hand” is an eighteenth-century claim. We test it and find nothing against it, but it would be confirmed by another accepted autograph, such as the holograph letters printed in the Monumenta Henricina.
- Our corpus is limited to Henry's originals digitised by the Torre do Tombo. Originals in other archives may add to it, or contradict it.
6. The full text
The translation stays close to the Portuguese. Words in square brackets are supplied; [?] marks a doubtful reading.
English translationComplete, all three pages
f. 1r
In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ and of his mother the Virgin Mary our Lady. Counsel which the Infante Dom Henrique gives to the King Dom Afonso his lord. ¶ These are the things to which answer is made.
First. Whether he shall rest and [simply] govern his kingdoms, or whether he shall occupy himself in some great deeds. To this he answers that he should occupy himself in great deeds, because, as to the spiritual side, [then] he is not in the number of those of whom the Gospel speaks, who bear no fruit; and as to the temporal side, [kings] are not expected to live so many years, unless one has done something of great renown [?]. [Margin: Sallust in the Catiline, who says: many mortals, given to belly and sleep, have passed through life like travellers.]
2. Against whom he shall move it [the war]. To this he answers: war [against] the infidels; because all the things that we do, or ought to [do], are by God or by us; such a war he ought to make, being by God provided with everything and placed in the office of king [?], of lord and [governor/provider?] by His law; and he ought to desire [?] much to do Him service, and the other wars of Christians are seldom in His service. And for this reason it is certain that such a war is the most honourable of all wars, and the one in which God most ought to help.
3. In what region he shall move it. To this he answers in general, and one can answer in particular. I say: in that region where he expects to bear fruit; for in [such] deeds [places] are not to be reckoned first to whoever can subjugate them [?]; for certainly, although the King of Castile may say that Málaga is of his conquest, if the men of Málaga could take a place belonging to Portugal they would take it with glad will, and would not refrain from doing it [just] because the King of Castile says that they are of his conquest; since they can have more certain [claims] against us than any greater we have against them [?].
f. 1v
4. How [?] can he know from what [undertaking] he ought to get fruit. To this I answer that those who have the will to rest should examine the matter as one ought to examine a very sure [?] and very great case [?]. With the small [deed] they shelter themselves, saying that they leave undone many deeds when these present themselves, because they are so small that they are not [worthy] for them. And with the great [deed] they shield themselves when they say: the deed is so great that it is impossible to be able to finish it, nor are they [fit] to undertake such a deed. So that they never find a reasonable middle, [and] for that reason do no deed. When [one] ceases [?] … [the others?] ask for what [he] has … [?]; thus the world would never lack covetous men who at once desire what the weak possess. Let the example be England, France, Naples and Castile, and generally all the world.
And so I say that in the war of the infidels [the matter] must be of great account, as we must … [?] in all the virtues, which by ourselves or by others we must work with glad will; for although a king [?] may give many doubloons in alms and many lands and estates, yet it is theft from God [?] when one takes even [?] a piece of bread from a poor man who asked him alms. And although he may have great singers and prelates who say the divine offices for him, he does not fail to say a Pater noster when devotion comes to him. And so with all the other virtues: the small ones are not left undone for the sake of the great ones. So then, since war [against the infidel] is virtuous, by himself or through others he ought always to keep the desire to work it: the small [deeds] … to give a push [?]; and the great ones to attempt, carefully [?], [with] various … sound [?] and valiant …; and where he finds softness, there to give a push [?] by himself or through others; so that in all of them he must know that he can have fruit,
f. 2r
and when he sees it ready, take it. Just like those who have various possessions and profits [?], knowing that by various tillings each one … [?] and wants to be put right; and when the fruit ripens and is … [?] and ready, [the owner] gathers or takes it. By such a rule [?] … very great … [?] of those who recite the canonical [hours] [?]; and he can in such a way be held [bound] … of praises … valiant, cunning … [?] … and have much more; the other great ones extend [?] … whose deeds they comprise [?].
And as to what he told me … [?], as I saw myself deprived [?] of those [matters], I have sent [?] at once plainly to counsel [?] on it, … to determine: it seems to me that a war by armada (naval war) is good, and that he should not undertake the deed without [due] order, but wait first to know everything, and further [to be] instructed how he shall first prepare his undertaking. Y.d.a. [= Y(ffante) d(om) A(nrrique)]
Diplomatic transcriptionLine by line, abbreviations expanded in ( )
f. 1r
1 Em Nome de nosso Senhor Jhesu Cristo E da sua madre virgem Maria
2 nossa Senhora.
3 Conselho que o Iffante dom Anrryque da a el Rey dom Afonso
4 seu Senhor. ¶ Estas cousas a que sse rresponde.
5 P(rimei)ro. Se se rrepousara. E rregera. seus Reynos/. ou se se acupara.
6 em alguuns grandes feitos.
7 A esto rresponde que sse acupe em grandes feitos. porque
8 quanto a esp(irit)ualidade. nom ha no c(on)to dos [de] que falla. ho auangelho
9 que nom fazem fruyto.
10 E quanto a temporalidade. nom sse espera deles tantos anos
11 viuer. Senom fez cousa que de grã [?] p(re)sa [?].
[margin, left, other hand, paler ink, keyed with +:]
Salustio in Ca-/telinario [?] / q(ue) dicit / multi mortales / dediti ventri /
atq(ue) sompno / vite sicut / peregri- / nantes transiere
12 2º Contra quem se mouera.
13 A esto rresponde gerra [aos] Infiees por q(ue) todallas cousas: q(ue) faze-
14 mos ou deue(m) ser p(er) Deos ou p(er) nos/ tall g(ue)rra deue
15 faz(er) por D(eo)s tudo p(ro)uido E posto em oficio de rreys [?], de senhor
16 E p(ro)u[...]ador [?] p(or) sua lley E deue de desejar [?] muyto d'ell
17 faz(er) seruiço E as out(ra)s g(ue)rras dos xp(ist)aaos poucas sam
18 em seruiço dele/. E por esto. certo e que tall g(ue)rra. E mais
19 honrrosa. de todallas g(ue)rras. E em q(ue) d(eu)s mais deue d'ajudar.
20 3º Em que parte a mouera.
21 A esto rresponde Jeralmente E se pode rresponder em especial
22 digo q(ue) em aq(ue)lla p(ar)te honde entende fazer fruyto. q(ue) em feitos
23 nom deuem de seer contados p(ri)meyr(o) aq(ue)m os pode sogigar [?]
24 que certo E que em p(er)o q(ue) el Rey de Castella. diga q(ue) Malega E
25 de sua conquista/. se os de Malega podese(m) tomar huu(m) lugar de
26 Portugal. q(ue) [o] tomaria(m) co(m) leda uontade. E nom o leyxaria(m) de faz(er)
27 p(er)o el Rey de Castella. diz q(ue) ssom elles de sua co(n)q(ui)sta/ pois q(ue) mais
28 certos pode(m) elles ter co(n)tra nos/ q(ue) nos moor no(m) tenhamos c(on)t(ra) elles
f. 1v
1 4º Em q(ue) [guisa] [?] pode conhecer de que deue dar fruyto. 2 A esto rrespondo que os [que] ham uontade de rrepoussar que sse 3 estudem com(o) deue estudar hum E muyto seg[u]ro [?] cau[s]o [?] E muyto 4 grande. 5 ho pequeno se empara(m) co(n) elles. dizendo que leixam de faz(er) muytos 6 feitos quando se lhe aparelham. por q(ue) sam tam pequenos q(ue) no(m) 7 sam p(ar)a elles. 8 E com [o] g(ra)nde se escudam q(ua)ndo dizem. ho feito E tam g(ra)nde q(ue) 9 em possiuel E desse poder acabar. nem q(ue) elles no(m) som p(ar)a tal 10 feito cometer. 11 Asy q(ue) nu(n)ca acham meo rrazoado por aq(ue)ll(a) rrazam no(m) fazer feito. 12 q(ua)ndo ssesa [?]/ ante os de traas [?] rroraçoões [?] pedem ho q(ue) tem gastos [?] 13 asy do mundo nu(n)ca deos falleçerya cobiçosos q(ue) desejem log(o) [o que] os 14 fracos posuem. 15 Enx(em)pro se[ja] de Ingraterra se Frãça e Napol E Castela. E Jeralmente 16 todo/ ho mundo. 17 E asy digo q(ue) de grande Conta na g(ue)rra dos Infiees deue ser tal 18 como deuemos despir [?] em todas as u(ir)tudes/. q(ue) p(er) nos ou p(er) outrem/. 19 co(m) leda uontade deuemos de obrar/. q(ue) em p(er)o q(ue) rrey [?] de muytas dobras 20 em esmolla. E muytas t(er)ras E h(er)damentos. Pero furto [?] de d(eu)s [?] q(ue)m 21 E tolhe senom [?] de hum pedaço de pam a hum pobre. q(ue) lhe esmolla 22 pedia. 23 E em p(er)o tenha grandes cantores. E p(er)lagos q(ue) digam os oficios 24 deuynos por elles/. nom leyxa de diz(er) hum padre nosso q(ua)ndo 25 lhe deuaçom uem. E asy de todas as outras u(ir)tudes. as pequenas 26 no(m) se leixam por as g(ra)ndes. 27 Asy pois a g(ue)rra E u(ir)tuosa. p(er) sy ou p(er) outre(m) sempre deue teer 28 desejo de ella. obrar. E as pequenas <todo> [struck] se co[...] [?] dar empucata [?] 29 E as g(ra)ndes atentar [overwritten] p(er) miudes [?] desuayrados rr[...]os [?] saos [?] E 30 ualentes rrey [?] E onde achar molleza. ally dar a empucata [?] 31 p(er) sy ou p(er) outre(m) asy q(ue) em todos deue conhecer q(ue) pode auer fruyto
f. 2r
1 E q(ua)ndo vyr aparelhado tomeo/. Asy como os q(ue) tem desuayradas 2 posisoões. E p(ro)u(e)itos [?] conhecendo q(ue) por desuayrados adubyos. 3 cada hũa p(er) [sy] [?] E q(ue)r ser corregido/ E quando o fruyto amadu- 4 reçer. E no gaanto [?] E aparelhado. colhe ou tomeo. 5 Por tall. manda sepam [?] muy g(ra)ndes Emres [?] dos q(ue) rrezam [?] 6 as canonycas E elle pode ser p(er) tal modo teudo/ de louuores 7 obz [?] rresudo [?] pazes [?] ualentes. manhoso Asy [?]. E desp(er)ta [?] fazer 8 E lhe deu sentes [?]. E aja muy mais. estendem os outros g(ra)ndes 9 cue [?] feitos conpreçam [?]/. 10 E no que me fallou p(er) [?] asy como me vir p(ri)uado [?] de aq(ue)llas 11 tenho enuyado [?] logo declaradamente conselhar [?] sobr'ello 12 d'alu[...]o [?] determinar. pareçeme q(ue) E bem g(ue)rra d'armada 13 E nom cometa feito sem mandado mas esp(er)e todo 14 o ssouber [?] p(ri)meiramente E ainda mandado como fara 15 p(ri)m(ei)ro seu feito aparelhar 16 Y.d.a. [sign-manual between two horizontal rules]
Sources
- ANTT, Gavetas, Gav. 25, mç. 3, n.º 14: “Conselho que deu o infante D. Henrique a seu sobrinho o rei D. Afonso V”. Images on digitarq.
- ANTT, Colecção Especial, cx. 72, mç. 8, nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11 (letters and charters of the Infante, 1427–1460); ANTT, Infante D. Henrique, no. 2 (1449). All on digitarq.
- Our earlier articles: Paid in Silver and What Happened to Henry's Silver.
- All images: Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, via digitarq, CC BY-SA 4.0. Crops and arrangement ours.
- Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 2.8, quoted in the margin of f. 1r.
Transcription and translation by AntiqueParchments.com Research Library from the Torre do Tombo's digital images, with AI assistance; not yet checked by a second palaeographer. Corrections are welcome.